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윌리엄 풀 세인트루이스 연준총재, '거시지표' 주제 연설(원문)

기사입력 : 2006년10월17일 16:58

최종수정 : 2006년10월17일 16:58

Data, Data and Yet More Data
William Poole*
President, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis

The Association for University Business and Economic Research (AUBER) Annual Meeting
University of Memphis
Memphis, Tenn.
Oct. 16, 2006

*I appreciate comments provided by my colleagues at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. Robert H. Rasche, senior vice president and director of research, provided special assistance. However, I take full responsibility for errors. The views expressed are mine and do not necessarily reflect official positions of the Federal Reserve System.


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Data, Data and Yet More Data

I am very pleased to be here today at the annual meeting of the Association for University Business and Economic Research. I’ve long had an interest in data, and I think that this topic is a good one for this conference. The topic is also one I’ve not addressed in a speech.

A personal recollection might be a good place to begin. In the early 1960s, in my Ph.D. studies at the University of Chicago, I was fortunate to be a member of Milton Friedman’s Money Workshop. Friedman stoked my interest in flexible exchange rates, in an era when mainstream thinking was focused on the advantages of fixed exchange rates and central banks everywhere were committed to maintaining the gold standard. Well, I should say central banks almost everywhere, given that Canada had a floating rate system from 1950 to 1962. Friedman got me interested in doing my Ph.D. dissertation on the Canadian experience with a floating exchange rate, and later I did a paper on nine other floating rate regimes in the 1920s. For this paper I collected daily data on exchange rates from musty paper records at the Board of Governors in Washington.

What was striking about the debates over floating rates in the 1950s is that economists were so willing to speculate about how currency speculators would destabilize foreign exchange markets without presenting any evidence to support those views. In this and many other areas, careful empirical research has resolved many disputes. Our profession has come a long way in institutionalizing empirical approaches to resolving empirical disputes. The enterprise requires data, and what I will discuss is some of the history of the role of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis in providing the data.

Before proceeding, I want to emphasize that the views I express here are mine and do not necessarily reflect official positions of the Federal Reserve System. I thank my colleagues at the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis for their comments. Robert H. Rasche, senior vice president and director of research, provided special assistance. However, I retain full responsibility for errors.

Origins
The distribution of economic data by the Research department of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis can be traced back at least to May 1961. At that time, Homer Jones, then director of research, sent out a memo with three tables attached showing rates of change of the money supply (M1), money supply plus time deposits, and money supply plus time deposits plus short-term government securities. His memo indicated that he “would be glad to hear from anyone who thinks such time series have value, concerning promising applications or interpretations.” Recollections of department employees from that time were that the mailing list was about 100 addressees.

Apparently Homer received significant positive feedback, since various statistical releases emerged from this initial effort. Among these were Weekly Financial Data, subsequently U.S. Financial Data; Bank Reserves and Money, subsequently Monetary Trends; National Economic Trends (1967) and International Economic Trends (1978), all of which continue to this date. In April 1989, before a subscription price was imposed, the circulation of U.S. Financial Data had reached almost 45,000. A Business Week article published in 1967 commented about Homer that “while most leading monetary economists don’t buy his theories, they eagerly subscribe to his numbers.”(1) As an aside, as a Chicago Ph.D. I both bought the theories and subscribed to the data publications. By the late 1980s, according to Beryl Sprinkel, a prominent business economist of the time, “weekly and monthly publications of the Research Department, which have now become standard references for everyone from undergraduates to White House officials, were initially Homer’s products.”(2)

Why should a central bank distribute data as a public service? Legend has it that Homer Jones viewed as an important part of his mission to provide the general public with timely information about the stance of monetary policy. In this sense he was an early proponent, perhaps the earliest proponent, of central bank accountability and transparency. While Homer was a dedicated monetarist, and data on monetary aggregates have always figured prominently in St. Louis Fed data publications, data on other variables prominent in the monetary policy debates at the time, including short-term interest rates, excess reserves and borrowings, were included in the data releases.

Early on, the various St. Louis Fed data publications incorporated “growth triangles,” which tracked growth rates of monetary aggregates over varying horizons. Accompanying graphs of the aggregates included broken trend lines that illustrated rises and falls in growth rates. This information featured prominently in monetarist critiques of “stop-go” and procyclical characteristics of monetary policy during the Great Inflation period.

Does the tradition of data distribution initiated by Homer Jones remain a valuable public service? I certainly believe so. But I will also note that the St. Louis Fed’s data resources are widely used within the Federal Reserve System. This information is required for Fed research and policy analysis; the extra cost of making the information available also to the general public is modest.

Rational Expectations Macroeconomic Equilibrium
The case for making data readily available is simple. Most macroeconomists today adhere to a model based on the idea of a rational expectations equilibrium. Policymakers are assumed to have a set of goals, a conception of how the economy works and information about the current state and history of the economy. The private sector understands, to the extent possible, policymakers’ views, and has access to the same information about the state and history of the economy as policymakers have.

An equilibrium requires a situation in which the private sector has a clear understanding of policy goals and the policymakers’ model of the economy, and the policy model of the economy is as accurate as economic science permits. Based on this understanding, market behavior depends centrally on expectations concerning monetary policy and the effects of monetary policy on the economy, including effects on inflation, employment and financial stability. If the policymakers and private market participants do not have views that converge, no stable equilibrium is possible because expectations as to the behavior of others will be constantly changing.

The economy evolves in response to stochastic disturbances of all sorts. The continuous flow of new information includes everything that happens—weather disturbances, technological developments, routine economic data reports and the like. The core of my policy model is that market responses and policy responses to new information are both maximizing—households maximize utility, firms maximize profits and policymakers maximize their policy welfare function.

A critical assumption in this model is the symmetry of the information that is available to both policymakers and private market participants. In cases where the policymakers have an informational advantage over market participants, policy likely will not unfold in the way that markets expect, and the equilibrium that I have characterized here will not emerge. Hence public access to current information on the economy at low cost is a prerequisite to good policy outcomes.

The Evolution of St. Louis Fed Data Services
Data services provided by the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis have evolved significantly from the paper publications initiated by Homer Jones. The initial phase of this evolution began in April 1991 when FRED, Federal Reserve Economic Data, was introduced as a dial-up electronic bulletin board. This service was not necessarily low cost. For users in the St. Louis area, access was available through a local phone call. For everyone else, long-distance phone charges were incurred. Nevertheless, within the first month of service, usage was recorded from places as wide ranging as Taipei, London, England and Vancouver, Canada.(3) FRED was relatively small scale. The initial implementation included only the data published in U.S. Financial Data and a few other time series. Subsequently it was expanded to include the data published in Monetary Trends, National Economic Trends and International Economic Trends. At the end of 1995, the print versions of these four statistical publications contained short histories on approximately 200 national and international variables; initially FRED was of comparable scope.

The next step occurred in 1996 when FRED migrated to the World Wide Web. At that point, 403 national time series became available instantaneously to anyone who had a personal computer with a Web browser. An additional 70 series for the Eighth Federal District were also available. The data series were in text format and had to be copied and pasted into the user’s PC. In July 2002, FRED became a true database and the user was offered a wider range of options. Data can be downloaded in either text or Excel format. Shortly thereafter user accounts were introduced so that multiple data series can be downloaded into a single Excel workbook, and data lists can be stored for repeated downloads of updated information. In the first six months after this version of FRED was released, 3.8 million hits were recorded to the website. In a recent six-month period, FRED received 21 million hits from over 109 countries around the world. FRED currently contains 1175 national time series and 1881 regional series. FRED data are updated on a real-time basis as information is released from various statistical agencies.

After 45 years, Homer Jones’s modest initiative to distribute data on three variables has developed into a broad-based data resource on the U.S. economy that is available at the click of a mouse around the globe. Through this resource, researchers, students, market participants and the general public can reach informed decisions based on information that is comparable to the information policymakers have.

In the past year we have introduced a number of additional data services. One of these, ALFRED, adds a vintage (or real-time) dimension to FRED. The ALFRED database stores revision histories of the FRED data series. Since 1996, we have maintained monthly or weekly archives of the FRED database. All the information in these archives has been populated to the ALFRED database, and the user can access point-in-time revisions of these data.(4) We have also extended the revision histories of many series back in time using data that were recorded in U.S. Financial Data, Monetary Trends and National Economic Trends. For selected quarterly National Income and Product data we have complete revision histories back to 1959 for real data and 1947 for nominal data. Revision histories are available on household and payroll employment data back to 1960. A similar history for industrial production is available back to 1927.

Preserving such information is crucial to understanding historical monetary policy. For example, Orphanides shows “that real-time policy recommendations differ considerably from those obtained with ex-post revised data. Further, estimated policy reaction functions based on ex-post revised data provide misleading descriptions of historical policy and obscure the behavior suggested by information available to the Federal Reserve in real time.”(5) Orphanides concludes that “reliance on the information actually available to policymakers in real time is essential for the analysis of monetary policy rules.”(6)

Such vintage information also is essential for analysis of conditions at subnational levels. For example, in January 2005 the BLS estimated that nonfarm employment in the St. Louis MSA had increased by 38.8 thousand between December 2003 and December 2004. This increase was widely cited as evidence that the MSA had returned to strong employment growth after four years of negative job growth. However, these data from the Current Employment Statistics (CES) were not benchmarked to more comprehensive labor market information that is available only with a lag.(7) The current estimate of nonfarm employment growth in the St. Louis MSA for this period, after several revisions, is only 11.6 thousand, less than 30 percent of the increase originally reported.

Another data initiative that we launched several years ago is FRASER – the Federal Reserve Archival System for Economic Research. The objective of this initiative is to digitize and distribute the monetary and economic record of the U.S. economy. FRASER is a repository of image files of important historical documents and serial publications. At present we have posted the entire history of The Economic Report of the President, Economic Indicators and Business Conditions Digest. We have also posted images of most issues of the Survey of Current Business from 1925 through 1990 and are working on filling in images of the remaining volumes. The collection also includes Banking and Monetary Statistics and the Annual Statistical Digests published by the Board of Governors, as well as the Business Statistics supplements to the Survey of Current Business published by the Department of Commerce. We are currently working, in a joint project with the Board of Governors, to image the entire history of the Federal Reserve Bulletin. Finally, we are posting images of historical statistical releases that we have collected in the process of extending the vintage histories in ALFRED back in time. These images should allow scholars, analysts and students of economic history to reconstruct vintage data on many series in addition to those we are maintaining on ALFRED.

Transparency, Accountability and Information Distribution
As just indicated, the scope of the archival information in FRASER extends beyond numeric data. Ready access to a wide variety of information is essential for transparency and accountability of monetary authorities and a full understanding of policy actions by the public. Since 1994 the Federal Reserve System and the FOMC have improved the scope and timeliness of information releases. I have discussed this progress in previous speeches.(8) Currently the FOMC releases a press statement at the conclusion of each scheduled meeting and three weeks later follows up with the release of minutes of the meeting. The press release and the minutes of the meetings record the vote on the policy action. The policy statement and minutes give the public a clear understanding of the action taken and insight into the rationale for the action.

Contrast the current situation with the one in 1979. At that time, actions by the Board of Governors on discount rate changes were reported promptly, but there was no press release subsequent to an FOMC policy action and FOMC meeting minutes were released with a 90-day delay. On Sept. 19, 1979, the Board of Governors voted by the narrow margin of 4-3 to approve a ½ percentage-point increase in the discount rate, with all three dissents against the increase. This information generated the public perception that the Fed officials were sharply divided and, therefore, that the Fed was not prepared to act decisively against inflation. John Berry, a knowledgeable reporter at the Washington Post, observed that “the split vote, with its clear signal that from the Fed’s own point of view interest rates are at or close to their peak for this business cycle, might forestall any more increases in market interest rates.”(9) However, the interpretation of the “clear signal” was erroneous. On that same day, the FOMC had voted 8 to 4 to raise the range for the intended funds rate to 11-1/4 to 11-3/4 percent. More importantly, three of the four dissents were in favor of a more forceful action to restrain inflation.(10) Neither the FOMC’s action, the dissents nor the rationale for the dissents were revealed to the public under the disclosure policies then in effect. The result was to destabilize markets, with commodity markets, in particular, exhibiting extreme volatility.

Conclusion
The tradition of data services was well established when I arrived in St. Louis in 1998, and I must say that I am proud that leadership in the Bank’s Research division has extended that tradition. Data are the lifeblood of empirical research in economics and of policy analysis. Our rational expectations conception of how the macroeconomy works requires that the markets and general public understand what the Fed is doing and why. Of all the things on which we spend money in the Federal Reserve, surely the return on our data services is among the highest.

 

References
1. “Maverick in the Fed System,” Business Week, November 18, 1967.

2. Beryl W. Sprinkel, “Confronting Monetary Policy Dilemmas: the Legacy of Homer Jones,” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review, March 1987, p 6.

3. “Introducing FRED,” Eighth Note, Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, May/June 1991, p. 1.

4. We do not maintain histories of daily data series in ALFRED. Interest rates and exchange rates appear at daily frequencies in FRED. In principal these data are not revised, though occasional recording errors are observed to slip into the initial data releases. Such reporting errors get corrected in subsequent publications, so sometimes there is a vintage dimension to one of these series.

5. A. Orphanides, “Monetary Policy Rules Based on Real-Time Data,” American Economic Review, 91(4), September 2001, pp. 964.

6. ibid.

7. H.J. Wall and C.H. Wheeler, “St. Louis Employment in 2004: A Tale of Two Surveys,” CRE8 Occasional Report No. 2005-1, February 9, 2005.

8. See for example, FOMC Transparency,

9. J. Berry, “Fed Lists Discount Rate to Peak of 11% on Close Vote,” Washington Post, September 19, 1979, p. A1.

10. See, D.E. Lindsey, A. Orphanides, and R.H. Rasche, “The Reform of October 1979: How it Happened and Why,” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Reivew, 87(2), Part 2,March/April 2005, pp 195-6.

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뉴욕을 뒤흔든 맘다니 돌풍 [뉴욕=뉴스핌]김근철 특파원= "빨리 뉴욕에 파트타임 일자리라도 알아봐야 할 것 같아요." 지난 주말 뉴욕 인근에 사는 지인들과의 모임 도중 나온 얘기다. 이날 저녁 자리 화제의 중심은 단연 '민주당 뉴욕 시장 후보 조란 맘다니'였다.'뉴욕 파트타임' 얘기도 맘다니 덕분에 나온 농담이다. 맘다니는 자신이 시장에 당선되면 뉴욕의 최저 임금을 시간당 30달러로 올릴 것이라고 약속했다. 지금 환율로 따지면 4만 600원 정도다. 현재 뉴욕의 최저 임금 시급은 16.50달러다. 이미 미국 내 최고 수준이다. 그런 뉴욕 최저 임금을 2배로 올리겠다는 얘기다. 물론 2030년까지라는 전제는 달렸다. 그렇다 하더라도 귀가 솔깃해질 만한 공약임은 분명하다. 비단 이날 모임뿐 아니다. 요즘 '뉴요커'들 사이에서 맘다니는 최고의 뉴스메이커다. 어디서든, 누구와든 맘다니 얘기를 꺼내면 10분~20분은 쉽게 대화를 나눌 수 있다. 그만큼 맘다니의 등장 자체가 뉴욕 사람들에게도 충격이자 파격이다. 조란 맘다니 미국 민주당 뉴욕시장 후보. [사진=로이터 뉴스핌] 뉴욕 시장 자리는 한국으로 치면 거의 서울 시장급이다. 뉴욕은 미국의 최대 도시이자, 전 세계에서 사람과 돈이 가장 많이 몰려드는 중심지다.  이런 뉴욕의 유력한 차기 시장 후보가 불과 33세라니. 그것도 아프리카 우간다에서 태어나 7세 때 뉴욕으로 이민 온 인도계 무슬림이다. 더구나 그는 26살이 되던 2018년에야 뒤늦게 미국 시민권을 취득하고 투표권을 받았다. 맘다니가 하버드 같은 아이비리그의 명문대를 졸업한 것도 아니다.  그는 평범한 학창 시절을 보내고 대학 졸업 후 저소득층 주택 압류 방지 상담사로 활동했다. 그러다가 2020년 뉴욕 주의회 하원의원 선거에 민주당 후보로 나서 선출된 것이 사회 경력의 전부다. 시쳇말로 '듣보잡' 수준이다. 예전 같았으면 뉴욕 시장 후보에 명함도 못 내밀 커리어다. 그런 맘다니가 불과 몇 개월의 선거 운동으로 민주당의 뉴욕 시장 후보가 됐다는 것은 믿기지 않는 스토리다.  그것도 뉴욕 주지사 3선에, 한때 차기 대선 후보 물망에 올랐고, 당내 유력 인사와 후원 그룹의 지원을 받는 '거물' 앤드루 쿠오모를 꺾었다. 그야말로 이변이 일어난 것이다. 민주당 전략가 트립 양은 뉴욕타임스(NYT)에 "현대 뉴욕시 역사에서 가장 큰 반전이 일어났다"고 평가했을 정도다. 맘다니는 1일 발표된 민주당 3차 경선 결과 과반이 넘는 56%를 득표했다. 이로써 그는 당당히 민주당의 뉴욕 시장 후보로 공식 선출됐다. 뉴욕은 아직도 민주당의 아성으로 불린다. 민주당 후보 공천은 뉴욕 시장 당선의 보증수표처럼 여겨진다. 뉴욕타임스(NYT)를 비롯한 미국 언론들의 관심은 이제 '맘다니 돌풍'이 과연 어디까지 이어질지에 모아진다. 숱한 전문가들은 아직 맘다니의 본선 경쟁력에 의문을 거두지 못하는 분위기다. 맘다니의 민주당 경선 승리의 발판이 됐던 급진적인 공약들이 결국 부메랑이 돼서 발목을 잡을 것이란 분석이 많다.  맘다니가 내세운 핵심 공약은 실제로 급진 좌파 성향의 포퓰리즘 정책으로 불릴 만하다. 시내버스 무임승차, 0세부터 5세까지 무료 보육 및 유치원 교육 실시, 뉴욕시 관리 아파트 임대료 동결, 값싼 시립 식료품점 설립, 부자 증세 등이 그것이다. 구체적 재정 대책이 없다는 질타와 비판이 나올 만하다. 게다가 맘다니는 학창 시절부터 팔레스타인을 지지하는 운동에 가담했다. 뉴욕과 민주당의 돈줄을 쥔 유대인들의 거부감도 크다.  민주당 주류와 온건그룹에선 벌써 부담스러운 티를 낸다. 너무 과격해서 중도층 이탈을 야기할 것이란 우려의 목소리를 낸다. 그래서 민주당을 지지하는 월가의 큰손들은 이미 온건 성향의 대항마를 찾고 있는 것으로 알려졌다. 당내 경선에서 패배했던 쿠오모 전지사나 경선에서 중도 사퇴한 에릭 애덤스 뉴욕 시장이 독립 출마 형태로 시장 선거에 나서려는 것과도 이와 연결돼 있다. 도널드 트럼프 대통령도 일찌감치 맘다니를 '100% 공산주의자 미친 놈'이라고 부르며 파상 공세를 퍼붓는 중이다.  급진 좌파 프레임을 씌워 민주당 전체를 싸잡아 비판하려는 의도도 깔려있다. 트럼프와 공화당은 색깔론 공세에 더해 민주당 측 후보 난립을 잘 이용하면 뉴욕 시장까지 손에 쥘 수 있겠다는 기대도 하고 있는 눈치다.  지하철에 탑승한 조란 맘다니 미국 민주당 뉴욕 시장 후보. [사진=로이터 뉴스핌] 이런 정치판의 셈법과 보도를 따라가다 보면 '맘다니가 11월 4일 선거에서 뉴욕 시장에 당선되기는 힘들겠구나' 하는 생각도 든다. 최근에 월가 금융기관에서 오래 기간 일했던 지인을 만난 자리에서도 '만다니의 한계'에 대해 얘기를 나눴다. 하지만 그의 견해는 좀 달랐다. 자신의 사무실에 근무하는 한 직원 때문에 생각이 바뀌었다고 한다. 그 직원은 줄곧 보수 성향을 보여왔고 지난 대선에서도 트럼프를 열렬히 지지했다고 한다. 그런 사람이 이번에 민주당 경선에 참여해 맘다니에게 표를 던졌다. 이유를 물으니, "뉴욕에서 사는 게 너무 힘들다. 물가가 미쳤다. 부자들은 상관없겠지만 우리 같은 단순 사무직은 열심히 일해도 렌트비, 교통비, 식료품비 내기에도 너무 벅차다. 내게 이념은 크게 상관없고, 누구라도 이 힘든 생활에 도움을 준다면 표를 안 찍을 이유가 없다"라는 답이 돌아왔다고 한다. 이 말을 들으니 맘다니의 공식 홈페이지 첫 화면에 큼직하게 적힌 슬로건이 새삼 머릿속에 다시 선명히 떠올랐다. "조란 맘다니는 뉴욕의 근로자들의 생활비를 낮추기 위해 시장직에 도전하고 있습니다"였다. 맘다니는 얼마전 NBC 방송의 간판 시사 프로그램 '미트 더 프레스'에 출연해 자신을 공산주의자라고 공격한 트럼프의 언급에 "나는 공산주의자가 아니다."라고 반박했다. 그리고는 "나는 트럼프가 힘을 실어주겠다고 대선 운동 기간 약속했던 바로 그 노동자들을 위해 싸우고 있다. 트럼프 대통령은 이후 그들을 배신해왔다"라고 말했다. '빨갱이 프레임'을 씌우는 트럼프에게 시원하게 한 방 먹이면서 자신이 노동자들을 위한 진짜 일꾼임을 드러내는 패기와 영리함이 번뜩이는 발언이다. 그래서 맘다니가 이념 프레임의 덫에 갇히지 않고, 뉴욕 시민의 민생과 민심을 파고드는데 성공한다면 '정말 큰일을 낼 수도 있겠다'는 생각도 든다. 그건 그가 뉴욕 시장에 당선된다는 의미만이 아니다. 인류 역사상 가장 풍요롭다는 21세기에도 팍팍안 일상을 견뎌내야 하는 노동자 계층과 밀레니얼 세대들에게 과거의 이념과 정치적 문법의 약발이 먹히지 않는다는 점을 확인시켜줄 '사건'이 될 수 있다.  맘다니 열풍과 논란이 뉴욕의 일회성 정치 이벤트로 그치지 않고 앞으로도 계속 증폭되고 변모하면서 확산될 것이란 예감이 드는 이유다.   kckim100@newspim.com 2025-07-03 04:16
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트럼프 "머스크 추방도 검토" [서울=뉴스핌] 고인원 기자= 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령이 기자들에게 "(일론) 머스크의 추방 문제도 고민해보겠다"고 발언하며, 두 사람 간 갈등이 또 한 번 수위를 높였다. 일론 머스크 테슬라 최고경영자(CEO)가 트럼프의 감세·재정 법안을 비판한 데 이어, 트럼프는 머스크의 정부 보조금과 계약에 대한 전수조사와 함께 추방 가능성까지 언급해 정치적·법적 논란이 확산되고 있다. 트럼프는 1일(현지시간) 백악관 앞에서 기자들과 만난 자리에서 "머스크를 추방할 수 있느냐"는 질문에 "모르겠다. 한번 살펴보겠다(I don't know, we'll have to take a look)"고 답했다. 그는 이어 "머스크는 많은 보조금을 받았으며, 전기촤 의무화 폐지에 매우 화가난 듯 하다"고 덧붙였다. 도널드 트럼프 미국 대통령과 일론 머스크 테슬라 최고경영자(CEO).[사진=로이터 뉴스핌] 2025.06.21 mj72284@newspim.com 트럼프는 전기차 강제 규정을 "바이든 시대의 유산"으로 규정하고 폐지를 추진 중이다. 그는 "나는 전기차를 원하지 않는다. 휘발유도, 하이브리드도, 언젠가는 수소차도 원할 수 있다"며 "다만 수소차는 터지면 5블록 떨어진 데서 시신을 찾는다"고 비꼬기도 했다. 트럼프의 '추방' 발언이 담긴 클립이 퍼지자, 머스크는 X(옛 트위터)에 "이걸 더 키우고 싶어 죽겠지만, 지금은 참겠다"고 의미심장한 글을 올렸다. 이 논란은 머스크가 트럼프의 '크고 아름다운 하나의 법안 법(OBBBA)'을 "완전히 미치고 파괴적 법안"이라며 비판한 데서 촉발됐다. 트럼프는 이에 대해 "머스크는 역사상 가장 많은 보조금을 받은 사람"이라며, 정부효율성부(DOGE)가 머스크의 보조금 수혜 내역을 조사할 필요가 있다고 응수했다. 이어 트럼프는 "보조금이 없으면 로켓 발사도, 전기차 생산도 못할 것"이라고 몰아세웠다. 전문가들은 연방정부의 보조금·계약 중단이나 규제 강화 가능성을 주목하고 있으며, 이는 테슬라와 스페이스X의 사업에 실질적인 타격으로 이어질 여지가 있다고 지적한다. 머스크는 세금안 반대뿐 아니라 "새로운 정당(America Party)을 만들겠다"고 맞불을 놓으며 대선 기간부터 이어온 트럼프와 머스크 간 '브로맨스'가 균열 조짐을 보이고 있다. koinwon@newspim.com 2025-07-01 22:23
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